Police Seek to Suppress Palestine Solidarity — We Must Not Do Their Work for Them
This past spring, as campus protests in solidarity with Palestine intensified, President Joe Biden remarked, “Dissent is essential to democracy, but dissent must never lead to disorder.” Peace, in this framework, is equated with order—a lack of conflict. But as the death toll in Palestine surpasses 40,000 in what many call an ongoing genocide, we must ask: peace for whom? Democracy for whom? Disorder for whom?
This September, as students return to campus, and the threat of mass unrest looms again, the political landscape has shifted. Following an anticlimactic Democratic National Convention (DNC) in Chicago in August and with the presidential election fast approaching, the momentum of our movement risks stalling.
During Tuesday’s presidential debate, Vice President Kamala Harris reiterated her unwavering support for Israel’s “right to defend itself” and criticized Donald Trump for being “weak” on foreign policy. Yet, just weeks earlier, Biden dropped out of the race due to overwhelming public pressure, partially driven by our movement’s threats to withhold votes, campus occupations, and widespread unrest.
Our movement’s power has fluctuated dramatically over the past few months. In April, we made headlines with mass shutdowns of infrastructure; by August, we were being praised for our containment. Several factors contributed to this regression: a surge of people abandoning core issues in favor of identity politics championed by the new Democratic nominee, and the exhaustion that comes from fighting for a simple demand—a ceasefire that could be achieved through an arms embargo on Israel. Instead of being heard, we have been marginalized by university administrations, the media, and the state. But exhaustion isn’t the only factor at play.
A more dangerous development is the state’s success in using fear tactics to divide us, turning dissent inward and making our movement self-destruct. The concept of the “outside agitator” is central to this strategy. Historically used to discredit Black revolts, it suggests that uprisings are not driven by those suffering but by external provocateurs. This narrative was used to delegitimize student protests, such as at Emory University, where President Gregory Fenves blamed “outside protesters” for militant demonstrations. New York City Mayor Eric Adams similarly denounced “outside agitators” for supposedly radicalizing students.
This trope is not only deployed by state actors but is also internalized within our movements, which poses a significant threat. Movements fracture under the pressure of labeling participants as “good” or “bad” protesters, based on adherence to law and order. This division justifies state violence against those deemed “bad” while legitimizing the state’s monopoly on violence.
During the 2020 George Floyd protests, Kamala Harris emphasized the distinction between “peaceful protesters” and those who “loot and commit acts of violence,” while ignoring the violence perpetrated by pro-Israel mobs harassing protesters. The "bad protester" is anyone who takes disruptive action beyond legal boundaries in defense of Palestine—whether it’s property damage or resisting arrest.
Worse, our movement has internalized this binary, distancing ourselves from those engaging in more escalated forms of protest. The rise of “peace police” is one of the clearest examples. These volunteer marshals, often tasked with keeping protests within legal and pre-approved boundaries, end up collaborating with the state to stifle dissent. During the DNC protests in Chicago, marshals worked closely with the police to ensure that protesters remained several blocks away from the convention. As Chicago Police Superintendent Larry Snelling praised, the protesters “policed their own people.”
This collaboration is not without consequences. The Harris campaign likely felt secure in denying a Palestinian speaker a platform at the DNC because the protests posed no real threat. Material disruptions, such as blocking roads or halting the manufacture and transport of weapons, would force more attention to our demands and demonstrate the power we hold when we refuse to maintain the status quo.
The notion that “peace police” protect protesters from state violence is flawed. It assumes that only “bad protesters” are met with brutality, overlooking the reality that the state will attack any successful movement that threatens the status quo. This mindset also perpetuates harmful divisions within our communities, legitimizing a narrative that disproportionately criminalizes Black and Muslim protesters.
The binary between “good” and “bad” protesters also flattens all resistance into a simplistic value judgment, where any form of escalation is seen as violent. But what is a broken window compared to the devastation of Gaza? Rather than stigmatizing escalated actions, we should view them as necessary responses to state violence—tangible acts of self-defense against empire.
Movements must foster trust and build resilience against state infiltration and fearmongering. Divisions based on the “outside agitator” trope undermine the potential for intersectional solidarity. For example, focusing exclusively on Palestine at protests often means ignoring the U.S. police forces protecting the targets of those protests. This erases the well-documented collaboration between U.S. police and the Israeli military and fragments the broader struggle for justice.
As students return to campus, the “outside agitator” narrative will be used to divide student and community coalitions. It is vital to resist these divides and recognize the importance of non-student community members in organizing efforts. The fight for Palestine is intertwined with other global and domestic struggles, and our movement must reflect that.
Ultimately, we must resist internalizing state logics that fracture our communities and movements. The struggle for Palestine is also a struggle for our own liberation, and only through collective, courageous resistance can we hope to build a future beyond empire.
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